{"version":"1.0","provider_name":"Unbreakable: The Spirit of the Strike","provider_url":"https:\/\/1919strike.lib.umanitoba.ca","title":"Racialized Communities - Unbreakable: The Spirit of the Strike","type":"rich","width":600,"height":338,"html":"<blockquote class=\"wp-embedded-content\" data-secret=\"PPogvacyZv\"><a href=\"https:\/\/1919strike.lib.umanitoba.ca\/index.php\/who-racialized-communities\/\">Racialized Communities<\/a><\/blockquote><iframe sandbox=\"allow-scripts\" security=\"restricted\" src=\"https:\/\/1919strike.lib.umanitoba.ca\/index.php\/who-racialized-communities\/embed\/#?secret=PPogvacyZv\" width=\"600\" height=\"338\" title=\"&#8220;Racialized Communities&#8221; &#8212; Unbreakable: The Spirit of the Strike\" data-secret=\"PPogvacyZv\" frameborder=\"0\" marginwidth=\"0\" marginheight=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" class=\"wp-embedded-content\"><\/iframe><script type=\"text\/javascript\">\n\/*! This file is auto-generated *\/\n!function(c,d){\"use strict\";var e=!1,o=!1;if(d.querySelector)if(c.addEventListener)e=!0;if(c.wp=c.wp||{},c.wp.receiveEmbedMessage);else if(c.wp.receiveEmbedMessage=function(e){var t=e.data;if(!t);else if(!(t.secret||t.message||t.value));else if(\/[^a-zA-Z0-9]\/.test(t.secret));else{for(var r,s,a,i=d.querySelectorAll('iframe[data-secret=\"'+t.secret+'\"]'),n=d.querySelectorAll('blockquote[data-secret=\"'+t.secret+'\"]'),o=new RegExp(\"^https?:$\",\"i\"),l=0;l<n.length;l++)n[l].style.display=\"none\";for(l=0;l<i.length;l++)if(r=i[l],e.source!==r.contentWindow);else{if(r.removeAttribute(\"style\"),\"height\"===t.message){if(1e3<(s=parseInt(t.value,10)))s=1e3;else if(~~s<200)s=200;r.height=s}if(\"link\"===t.message)if(s=d.createElement(\"a\"),a=d.createElement(\"a\"),s.href=r.getAttribute(\"src\"),a.href=t.value,!o.test(a.protocol));else if(a.host===s.host)if(d.activeElement===r)c.top.location.href=t.value}}},e)c.addEventListener(\"message\",c.wp.receiveEmbedMessage,!1),d.addEventListener(\"DOMContentLoaded\",t,!1),c.addEventListener(\"load\",t,!1);function t(){if(o);else{o=!0;for(var e,t,r,s=-1!==navigator.appVersion.indexOf(\"MSIE 10\"),a=!!navigator.userAgent.match(\/Trident.*rv:11\\.\/),i=d.querySelectorAll(\"iframe.wp-embedded-content\"),n=0;n<i.length;n++){if(!(r=(t=i[n]).getAttribute(\"data-secret\")))r=Math.random().toString(36).substr(2,10),t.src+=\"#?secret=\"+r,t.setAttribute(\"data-secret\",r);if(s||a)(e=t.cloneNode(!0)).removeAttribute(\"security\"),t.parentNode.replaceChild(e,t);t.contentWindow.postMessage({message:\"ready\",secret:r},\"*\")}}}}(window,document);\n<\/script>\n","description":"The General Strike was not just about class. Race was also a significant and important factor. Those whose lineages fell outside the British Isles were considered &#8220;others&#8221; by the British elite who ruled Winnipeg, and were considered dangerous, inferior, or both. Not only were those of &#8220;inferior&#8221; race marginalized and oppressed, but in many ways their &#8220;otherness&#8221; began to eclipse class as the main conflict of the strike. Employee and employer became British and others. &#8220;Enemy Aliens&#8221; Anti-strike veterans, some holding anti-alien signs, demonstrating against the Strike. WCPI A1292-38696, UWA. The First World War had created a toxic environment for many Central and Eastern European immigrants in Winnipeg. The start of the war had brought with it the War Measures Act, enacted by the Federal government, allowing them to police immigrants from countries at war with the Commonwealth. Under this act, immigrants from the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires, and, after 1917, Bolshevik controlled Russia, were now &#8220;enemy aliens&#8221; who could be interned or forced to carry their papers with them for identification. Furthermore, as soldiers returned home from the war, many struggled to find jobs and turned their frustrations to enemy aliens. Many returned soldiers blamed their unemployment on immigrants who, they believed, had taken their jobs while they were away at war. As a result, many immigrant-owned establishments, or businesses that employed so-called enemy aliens became targets of the veterans\u2019 frustrations. In January 1919, riots broke out after veterans overheard socialists in Market Square mourning the deaths two \u201cenemies\u201d \u2013 Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg \u2013 German socialists.\u00a0\u00a0A fight broke out and the veterans gathered 25 \u201cforeigners\u201d and forced them to kiss the Union Jack flag, beating those who refused. The veterans then proceeded to lead demonstrations, one headed north, the other to Elmwood. On their way, they vandalized immigrant-owned businesses, or businesses that they perceived to be sympathetic to enemy aliens. A group of approximately 150 veterans proceeded to cause between $25,000-$30,000 of damage to 21 buildings, injuring over 30 people in the process.\u00a0While veterans were clearly the aggressors in this riot, a Tribune article published the following day made it clear that the immigrants victimized by the riots were still not perceived as innocent in the matter: \u201cMayor Gray, while deploring the acts of hoodlums wrecking windows and shops, said alien enemies in this country \u2018have got to keep their mouths shut. I don\u2019t blame returned soldiers a bit for getting after aliens who sympathize openly with an enemy country.\u2019\u201d Such statements made it evident that immigrants from enemy alien countries were not afforded the right of free speech while the actions of a mob against them could be excused in the right circumstances. Anti-alien demonstrations and meetings were common place in the Winnipeg of 1919. A summary of the January 26, 1919 riots against alien owned or sympathetic establishments. Winnipeg Tribune, January 27, 1919, UML. An advertisement by the Citizens&#8217; Committee of One Thousand. Winnipeg Tribune, June 5, 1919, UML. At the start of the strike on May 15, 1919, anti-alien rhetoric became common place in many newspapers, who attempted to use this narrative to bring over strike sympathizers to the opposing side. By blaming the strike on enemy aliens, as opposed to a labour dispute around collective bargaining rights, newspapers such as the Winnipeg Telegram and Winnipeg Citizen hoped to convince Winnipeggers that to support the strike was to support the nations that had fought against Canada during the war. This argument was not always easy to maintain, particularly when many veterans who had fought during the war supported the strike, and most of the strike leaders were British-born, but this alone did not prevent the arguments calling for deportation of aliens during the strike to be made, both by the public and the media. In the view of the Citizens\u2019 Committee of One Thousand, the strike was a black and white issue: Aliens vs. Soldiers, Aliens vs. Children, Aliens vs. Canadians. An ad published by the committee in the Winnipeg Telegram made this clear: \u201cChoose between the Soldiers who protected you and the Aliens who threaten you!\u201d (Winnipeg Telegram, Jun 5, 1919). But while the Citizens&#8217; Committee was quick to equate the strike as a foreign-led movement, the Strike Committee was not so quick as to welcome those of Eastern European backgrounds to their ranks. In part, they wanted to sway the veterans to their side, and adopting an open pro-immigrant stance would be counter-intuitive to this aim. Furthermore, immigrants often struggled to find work in Winnipeg, even before the strike. Their best chance at employment was to accept lower wages than other workers, causing resentment among British and Canadian born workers. For this reason, the Strike Committee tried to distance itself from immigrants throughout the strike.\u00a0 Portrayals of immigrants in the media also showed a clear bias against so-called enemy aliens. When recounting daily strike events, media sources such as the Winnipeg Citizen and the Winnipeg Telegram would often include side notes \u2013 ones that made mention of heavy foreign accents or broken English \u2013 to ensure readers knew that the strikers and strike sympathizers they were describing were aliens \u2013 Germans, Russian Bolsheviks, Eastern Europeans, foreign radicals. In short: enemies. Even in the darkest moments of the strike, the media ensured aliens were identified. The death of Mike Sokolowski on Bloody Saturday was reported in many newspapers, most of which ensured to describe him as an alien and specify that he was in the process of throwing a projectile at police. The Manitoba Free Press reported \u201cMike Sokolowski, a registered alien shot through heart and instantly killed, presumably while stooping to pick up a missile\u201d, while the Winnipeg Tribune specified Sokolowski was Austrian, \u201cparticularly active in throwing missiles at the police and was in the act of throwing a stone at one of the mounted men when he was shot down\u201d (Manitoba Free Press and Winnipeg Tribune, June 23, 1919). The Tribune further implied that Sokolowski was a thief, reporting that he had on his person a badge for the City\u2019s Health Department, of which he was not an employee. While baseless, the anti-immigration rhetoric was successful in changing legislation on June 6, 1919. Prompted by the events in Winnipeg, the Federal Government amended the Immigration Act, allowing for individuals born outside of Canada to be deported without trial if they were accused of sedition. This would later provide another means through which strike leaders could be arrested. It further restricted immigration to Canada throughout the strike, and after. Article on Mike Sokolowski. The Enlightener, June 26, 1919. UML. Deportation Hearings The newly amended Immigration Act was first put to the test on July 14, when immigration hearings began for four European immigrants who were arrested alongside the British strike leaders on June 17. The arrested men were Samuel Blumenberg, Solomon (Moses) Almazoff, Michael (Max) Charitonoff (sometimes \u201cCharitinoff\u201d), and Oscar Schoppelrei (sometimes \u201cChoppelrei\u201d). A warrant was also issued for Boris Devyatkin, but he had been away at his farm for the last two months, leaving his home in the care of Mike Verenczuk, a Russian born immigrant who fought for Canada in the First World War and who suffered from shell shock. Verenczuk was arrested instead of Devyatkin and spent 17 days in jail before the \u2018mistake\u2019 was finally remedied he was released. Winnipeg Telegram, June 21, 1919. UML. The decision to arrest these men and launch immigration hearings was orchestrated by Citizens\u2019 Committee member A.J. Andrews, who also selected the members of the board that would decide the men\u2019s fate. R.M. Noble presided over the hearings as judge and two others, Thomas Gelley and E.T. Boyce, made up the rest of the board. Representing the accused were Marcus Hyman and E.J. McMurray. Noble was not entirely sure how the new amendment to the Immigration Act worked and was unfamiliar with the context of the cases, leaving Andrews and the defense to argue over the facts (Kramer and Mitchel 2010, 218). Noble very rarely sided with the defense. The men were arrested under the criminal code and the Immigration Act was only applied after the fact. This meant anything the men said in the hearings could be used as evidence in future criminal proceedings; they were being forced to produce evidence against themselves. To prevent this, some tried to remain silent, but Andrews simply sent them back to jail and tried again at a later date. Despite the fact that these men, with the exception of Blumenberg, played only minor roles in the strike, as \u2018undesirable\u2019 immigrants, their deportation had symbolic value, particularly Schoppelrei, whose parents were both German. To prove the men sowed sedition, Andrews cited attendance at \u2018radical\u2019 gatherings such as at the Walker Theatre meeting in 1918. He called, somewhat ironically, on a Ukrainian immigrant who was a former Mounted Policeman, Harry Daskaluk, to testify against the men. Daskaluk testified that the men spoke seditious words at various gatherings he had infiltrated. He told a similar story at the preliminary hearings of the British-born strike leaders, which was happening concurrently. However, it was discovered that Daskaluk \u00a0was paid $500 for his testimony and was himself at risk for deportation if he didn\u2019t accept. The defense was able to damage his credibility and Andrews was forced to rely on technicalities. Winnipeg Tribune, August 16, 1919. UML. Winnipeg Telegram, June 18, 1919. UML. Winnipeg Tribune, August 15, 1919. UML. Winnipeg Tribune, July 19, 1919. UML. Winnipeg Tribune, August 14, 1919. UML. Previous Next Solomon (Moses) Almazoff Almazoff was 29 at the time of his hearing. A Russian Jew from Ukraine, Almazoff had been in Canada for 6 years. He was a student at the University of Manitoba (studying law), an organizer of the Jewish branch of the Social Democratic Party, a member of the Canadian Jewish Congress, and was involved in a number of charitable organizations. He had finished writing his university exams on June 13, four days before being arrested (Bumsted 1994, 76). Andrews had no technicality to use against Almazoff, so he interrogated him on his New York communist connections and brought Daskaluk to the stand to testify that Almazoff had made statements at several gatherings of socialists calling for bloodshed and revolution. The defense discredited this argument and Almazoff gave an emotional speech about how going back to Russia would mean certain death; that he lost a brother when the Tsar\u2019s troops gunned down civilians in 1905 on Bloody Sunday; that he would never want to see such violence repeated in Canada. The board ruled in Almazoff\u2019s favour and he was released. After the hearing, he joined the communist party in New York City and was almost deported again in 1954. He published several books and newspapers in Yiddish and died in 1979 (Kramer and Mitchell 2010, 408n32). Samuel Blumenberg Blumenberg was deported based on a technicality as well. He was a Romanian Jew that had lived in Minneapolis before coming to Canada. He said at the border that he was an American citizen, not realizing that technically he was not. Despite all the evidence of sedition Andrews produced, it was this minor technicality that led to his deportation. For more on Blumenberg, see Who: Strike Leaders Michael (Max) Charitonoff Charitonoff, like Almazoff, was a Russian Jew. He was born in Nicolaieff on the Black Sea and had spent time in New York and Philadelphia before coming to Canada. At the time of his hearing, Charitonoff was 27, had been living in Canada for almost five and half years, and worked at the CPR freight shops. In 1917, he edited the Russian language newspaper Rabochi Narod (Working People) for the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party, until it was banned the following year. He was on the stage at the Walker Theatre meeting, which Andrews tried to use against him, but it once against came down to a technicality. Charitonoff had tried to enter the country once before; he had done nothing illegal and hadn\u2019t lied about anything, but was...","thumbnail_url":"http:\/\/1919strike.lib.umanitoba.ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/04\/uw_wcpi_38696_a1292_testing-768x522.jpg"}